Abstract
In the cultural context of the Caspian Sea’s coastal communities, fishing plays a central role in both livelihoods and lifestyle. Consequently, fishermen occupy a significant position in this cultural landscape. The presence of the sea, rivers, and favorable climatic conditions has long fostered a sustainable environment for settlement and economic activity in these regions. Coastal cities such as Bandar Anzali and Bandar Kiashahr have historically served as major spawning grounds for both bony and boneless fish due to their wetlands and river estuaries. Recognized as hubs of sturgeon fishing, these cities have produced generations of skilled fishermen who, in addition to working with major fishing enterprises such as the Russian Lianazov company, also engaged independently in small- and large-scale fishing activities.
Background
The oral culture of Guilan is enriched by poems, songs, proverbs, work chants, and narrative traditions related to fishing and hunting, many of which have been preserved across generations. In this cultural context, a wide range of poetic expressions has emerged to commemorate the lives of fishermen—some written from the perspective of the fishermen themselves, others authored by community members in their honor. Unlike the southern fishing songs of Iran, which are often accompanied by instruments and vocal performance, northern fishing chants are typically performed without instrumentation, reflecting the distinct conditions and values surrounding high-value species such as sturgeon. In the limited corpus of surviving songs, references to fish species, birds, tools, and individuals are still discernible.
Findings from this research indicate that fishing-related poetry along the Caspian coast can be categorized into two primary genres: work songs and fishermen’s laments. The scarcity of organized fishing cooperatives in northern Iran—due to geographic, political, and legal constraints—has resulted in limited data, complicating the efforts of researchers to conduct extensive fieldwork.
Labor songs, though a recognized part of oral literature, have only recently begun to receive scholarly attention, and as such, many have been lost to time. Folk literature, existing parallel to formal written literature, is transmitted orally and includes a diverse array of genres such as myths, lullabies, proverbs, ritual songs, and work chants. As an essential component of intangible cultural heritage, these traditions reflect both material and spiritual dimensions of communal life. Within this framework, work chants represent an expressive and symbolic articulation of the spiritual labor culture of Guilan's coastal society.
The folkloric songs of Guilan can be categorized into nine distinct types: (1) love songs, such as “Ra'na”; (2) historical songs, such as “Cheqad Jangale Khossi”; (3) shepherd songs, such as “Siah Abron”; (4) lullabies, including “Lala Bokon Lala, Lala Lalayi”; (5) rice field songs (bijar-sari), such as “Ohooy Mar, Ohooy Mar”; (6) fishing songs like “Kapoor-e lajan khoose mordab”; (7) occupational and market-related songs such as “Morghe siyahe bi ghafas, bademjon”; (8) tea-picking and gardening songs like “Chayi chinam Chayi baghoone Lajon”; and (9) sericulture songs such as “Tare nooghan be-em hizar omidvar.”
Fishing songs themselves fall into two subgenres: (1) fishing work chants and (2) fishing laments. Despite their cultural value, fishing chants have not been preserved as systematically as other occupational songs. One contributing factor is the clandestine nature of much contemporary fishing, particularly among independent or unlicensed fishers, who must avoid detection by authorities. As a result, these individuals often work in silence, without the communal singing that once fostered unity and collective identity among fishing crews. Many of the older generation who sang these chants have since passed away or suffer from memory loss, leaving gaps in the oral record.
Fishermen’s laments, by contrast, are emotional and mournful songs commemorating those who set out to sea and never returned. In some tragic cases, the bodies of drowned fishermen are never recovered, leaving families in perpetual mourning. These laments are often voiced from the perspective of grieving family members-fathers, mothers, spouses, or children—and serve as both expressions of sorrow and memorial tributes. Prior to the advent of modern navigation technologies such as GPS, coastal communities frequently experienced fatal fishing accidents during stormy seasons, particularly from early autumn to late spring. Technological advancements have since mitigated some of these risks by enabling better forecasting and communication.
Conclusion
As with other occupational songs, fishing chants emerged organically from the interaction between humans, tools, and the natural environment. In these chants, the rhythmic sounds of oars, water, storms, nets, and even the last gasps of captured fish are reflected in the murmured melodies of the fishermen. These sounds not only accompanied labor but also shaped the aesthetic structure of the songs themselves.
Today, however, fishing chants are seldom heard along the Caspian coast. The economic and legal pressures associated with sturgeon fishing—one of the region’s most lucrative but tightly controlled industries—have led to a culture of silence among fishermen. Consequently, only a limited number of fishing chants have been preserved. The division of these songs into work chants and fishermen’s laments underscores both the practical and emotional dimensions of maritime labor in northern Iran. In particular, laments have survived as poignant expressions of collective grief, bravery, and remembrance, often resembling last testaments. As repositories of both personal and communal memory, these songs constitute a vital, though endangered, facet of Iran’s intangible cultural heritage.