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Seyed Hosein Tabatabaie, Elham Momeni,
Volume 9, Issue 37 (3-2021)
Volume 9, Issue 37 (3-2021)
Abstract
The oral culture of the Iranian people is a mysterious and untapped world, the study of the delicate content of which can open new perspectives to the world of anthropology and human sociology. The present study tries to analyze and use the cultural elements and popular beliefs common among the people of Sarkavir region in the south of Semnan province in the proximity of the desert plain, to explain the concept of taboo among the people of this land. To this aim, the themes of taboo in the folk literature are categorized into two parts: The first one concerns the taboo words and languages, and the second one concerns the behavioral and material taboos in the customs of the people. The study found that the behavioral taboos are related to marriage, the dead and the mourning customs, taboos of the people's names, occupations and other social taboos which are content-analyzed based on the local narratives.
Background
The oral culture of the Iranian people is a mysterious and untapped world. Sigmund Freud, in the second chapter of his book, Totem and Taboo (1984), has studied and analyzed this concept among the elders and heroes, and the dead. Borujeni (2010) has studied the concept of taboo in stories written by Hedayat, Ahmad Mahmoud, Chubak, and Simin Daneshvar. Rahimi Talab (2011), in his dissertation entitled Knowledge of Totem and Taboo in the Legends of Gilan, has explained the manifestations of taboo in the folktales of Gilan. But, so far, no research has been done specifically on the concept of Taboo in Sarkavir folklore.
Aims
The purpose of this study, in the first place, is collecting and introducing some common and living taboos among the residents of Sarkavir. It also analyzes its content and shows its ancient roots and connection with some long-standing rituals and mythical traditions. Analyzing the taboos, it was revealed how the taboo themes are used in the oral culture of behavioral and social traditions. Also, some cultural and climatic characteristics of the people of this land have been identified.
Theoretical framework
Popular beliefs are among the major and valuable resources of humanity. By studying them, some of the beauties of an ancient and growing culture can be recovered and represented. Linguistic and cultural taboos are one of the aspects of literary and social aesthetics in the folklore of people in any nation. The language of taboo has a direct and clear relationship with the popular culture, to the extent that forbidden behaviors or words and interpretations will not be comprehensible and tangible, unless the dominant cultural context and the intellectual system of society are analyzed.
As one of the fundamental propositions, taboo has a significant application in recognizing religious beliefs. Taboo is a kind of sanctity for the tribal Totem and its ban stems from a threat to the tribal totem.
The word taboo literally does not have a clear meaning. It is a term derived from the Polynesian language that semantically contains two opposing concepts: on the one hand, it means sacred, and on the other hand, it evokes dangerous, horrible, forbidden, impure, and mysterious meanings (Freud, 1984, p. 31). The trace of the concept of taboo is prominent in the oral culture of the inhabitants of Sarkovir.
Despite forgetting much of the ancient customs, this part of beliefs continues to maintain its function and strength, and plays a significant role in people's social life. This is due to the cultural isolation of the region and the reduction of media and cultural relations with large human societies over the past decades. In this article, taboo propositions in Sarkovir folklore are divided into two general categories: The first one concerns the taboo words and languages, and the second one concerns the behavioral and material taboos in the customs of the people.
In Sarkovir dialect, there are words, the use of which have been severely banned by society and not used except in emergencies. Instead, an equivalent word called euphemism (well-intended interpretation) is used, which is a word devoid of vulgarity and unpleasantness (Sabzian and Kazzazi, 2010, p. 202). Apart from avoiding the use of taboo words, the people of Sarkovir consider doing some things to be illegal for themselves, the most important of which are mentioned below.
Marriage-related taboos generally include the following: marriage with a stranger, showing the happiness of the bride and the bride's relatives at the wedding ceremony, putting henna on the bride's palm or soaking it by the widow, and leaving home by the bride during the wedding days.
Taboos related to the dead are among the most serious and prominent taboos in Sarkovir and include the following: relatives' celebrating of the dead, leaving the corpse alone at night, crying over the corpse at night, washing the corpse by a non-family member, burying the dead at night, attending the graves of the dead on Thursday evening, and using the corpse's accessories.
Taboos related to people's names are: Saying the name of the wife, and choosing the name of the grandfather for the grandchildren.
Taboos of occupations are: Blacksmith, wheat collector, and bath man.
Special taboos on farming include: stepping on a green wheat field, and selling ancestral agricultural land.
Taboos related to gender are: a boy sitting on the edge of the oven, and the women wearing white pants.
Other taboos include: pouring boiling water on the ground, pissing in water, farting, and picking nails.
By examining these cases, one can realize the behavior and some of the lifestyles of people in this region.
Conclusion
Based on the objective observations and face-to-face interviews with the people living in the Sarkovir region, the present study has studied the concept of taboo in oral culture. The study focused on a brief review of the concept of taboo, and then categorized it in the social life of inhabitants in the area. Accordingly, the types of taboos have been separated and discussed. The first general conclusion to be drawn is the discovery of cultural beauties and linguistic delicacies which is evident among one of the Iranian tribes. Due to their natural and inner taste, people in Sarkovir have realized that instead of words, phrases and themes of the taboo, they need to use some alternatives and euphemism. Moreover, through this research, the invisible but inseparable link between the Iranian subcultures and the ancient and deep-rooted rituals of the ancient humans can be explained and explored.
References
Afraz Borujeni, M. (2010). Investigating the content and linguistic structure of taboo words in some contemporary Persian stories. Master Thesis, Shahrekord University.
Avesta: The oldest Iranian songs and lyrics. (2007). Morvarid.
Freud, S. (1984). Totem and Taboo (translated into Farsi by Iraj Poorbaqer). Asia.
Gignoux, P. (2004). ArdavirafName. Moin.
Rahimitalab, F. (2011). Recognition of totems and taboos in the legends of Gilan. Master Thesis, University of Guilan.
Sabzian, S., & Kazazi, J. (2010). Dictionary of literary theory and criticism. Morvarid
Tabatabayi, S. (216). Selected of Sarkavir proverbs (in Farsi). Hablerood.
Interviewees:
MahPari Aghayan. 76 years old, illiterate, housewife.
Fateme Akbari, 77 years old, illiterate, housewife.
SeyedMirza Tabatabayi, 92 years old, illiterate, farmer.
Leila Tabatabayi, 79 years old, illiterate, housewife.
Kheir-Al-Nesa Mirzay. 69 years old, illiterate, housewife.
Hossein Mirzaee,
Volume 11, Issue 53 (11-2023)
Volume 11, Issue 53 (11-2023)
Abstract
Introduction
In the anthropological literature, the production, processing, distribution and consumption of food are considered to be the main elements of the culture of any community. What and how a person eats varies from period to period, place to place, and community to community. Food binds the personality of individuals and the identity of groups and becomes an important tool for social communication and understanding.
In anthropology, local communities, as they provide their food in close connection with nature and with the help of local knowledge, have always been a privileged field for research on food, its related cultural relations and food systems. This indigenous knowledge, which was the result of effective adaptation to the environmental conditions and acquiring knowledge from it, is rapidly being destroyed. In most cases, the current elders of the villages are considered as the last owners of native knowledge in various fields. In such a situation, the need to record and analyze the local food system, the evolution of the food pattern, its local sources and the effects of these changes on the health of the local people is revealed.
Theoretical foundations
From the viewpoint of functionalism, society is like a living organism, which will ensure the adaptation and connection among its members, the interdependence and survival of the society. In this view, ethnographies are mainly limited to the description and analysis of the food system of societies. But the structuralists have highlighted a wide range of perspectives, such as examining the capacities of human societies in the field of food preparation, processing, distribution and consumption, and most prominently, the semiotics of food in their research. In recent years, rather than following a specific approach in their research, anthropologists have benefited from various viewpoints and opinions and have applied historical, symbolic, material and development analyses in a unified approach.
Literature and food in Mazandaran
By using the linguistic semiology of food and the habits formed regarding that, it is possible to understand the culture, relations and rituals of a group or society. In fact, food represents distinctions and reinforces social constraints. The manner and cultural content of food, from one table to another, shows many distinctions and social characteristics. These distinctions are caused by beliefs, food ingredients, tastes and different cultural habits in the matter of food. Food beliefs, with their simple appearance, depict a small world of the culture of each society and help us understand human actions. This symbolic world represents itself through the language of cooking in everyday life.
In the Mazandarani language, the main adjectives used to describe the quality of food are exactly the same descriptive words used to describe human personality: cold, hot, raw, cooked, sour, bitter, sweet, spicy, sour, tasteless, stale, crisp, pleasant, strong, weak, watery, fresh, corrupted, damaged, etc. Mazandarani language is also very rich in other linguistic forms that create a symbolic link between food and social-emotional situations.
In the popular literature of Mazandaran, the use of the language of cooking and food in human interactions shows the position of this phenomenon in the culture. This literature has thousands of years of bitter and sweet experiences and has transferred the lived experiences of previous generations to the next generation in the shortest form. These proverbs direct how to live, think and behave, regulate relationships among people, classes and strata of society and determine its limits and gaps.
Beliefs about food in Mazandaran have a state of mind in which there is no empirical evidence, rational or necessarily logical reasons, but it is accepted as a certainty. The origins of these beliefs are different. These beliefs are slowly formed over many years in the context of culture, and the depth of culture can be found in them. Themes such as paying attention to the guest, the other, xenophobia, softening the situation, sanctifying food and paying attention to health are highlighted in Mazandarani proverbs.
Conclusion
From an anthropological point of view, food and what is formed around it is a cultural text that can be read to study the depth of the culture of any society. Classification of foods in Mazandaran culture, cultural identity through food, cultural and biological perceptions of appetite, hunger and overeating among Mazandaran’s shows the cultural meanings of food in Mazandaran. The symbolic roles of food in Mazandaran show how food plays a role in creating or breaking social bonds and opens a way to identify how social cohesion is realized in Mazandaran. Food and technology of preparation, production and consumption contain many messages and speak of various lifestyles. Food is one of the phenomena that has been formed over a long period of time in the indigenous system of the people of each ecosystem and has turned into a complex reservoir of indigenous knowledge.
In the anthropological literature, the production, processing, distribution and consumption of food are considered to be the main elements of the culture of any community. What and how a person eats varies from period to period, place to place, and community to community. Food binds the personality of individuals and the identity of groups and becomes an important tool for social communication and understanding.
In anthropology, local communities, as they provide their food in close connection with nature and with the help of local knowledge, have always been a privileged field for research on food, its related cultural relations and food systems. This indigenous knowledge, which was the result of effective adaptation to the environmental conditions and acquiring knowledge from it, is rapidly being destroyed. In most cases, the current elders of the villages are considered as the last owners of native knowledge in various fields. In such a situation, the need to record and analyze the local food system, the evolution of the food pattern, its local sources and the effects of these changes on the health of the local people is revealed.
Theoretical foundations
From the viewpoint of functionalism, society is like a living organism, which will ensure the adaptation and connection among its members, the interdependence and survival of the society. In this view, ethnographies are mainly limited to the description and analysis of the food system of societies. But the structuralists have highlighted a wide range of perspectives, such as examining the capacities of human societies in the field of food preparation, processing, distribution and consumption, and most prominently, the semiotics of food in their research. In recent years, rather than following a specific approach in their research, anthropologists have benefited from various viewpoints and opinions and have applied historical, symbolic, material and development analyses in a unified approach.
Literature and food in Mazandaran
By using the linguistic semiology of food and the habits formed regarding that, it is possible to understand the culture, relations and rituals of a group or society. In fact, food represents distinctions and reinforces social constraints. The manner and cultural content of food, from one table to another, shows many distinctions and social characteristics. These distinctions are caused by beliefs, food ingredients, tastes and different cultural habits in the matter of food. Food beliefs, with their simple appearance, depict a small world of the culture of each society and help us understand human actions. This symbolic world represents itself through the language of cooking in everyday life.
In the Mazandarani language, the main adjectives used to describe the quality of food are exactly the same descriptive words used to describe human personality: cold, hot, raw, cooked, sour, bitter, sweet, spicy, sour, tasteless, stale, crisp, pleasant, strong, weak, watery, fresh, corrupted, damaged, etc. Mazandarani language is also very rich in other linguistic forms that create a symbolic link between food and social-emotional situations.
In the popular literature of Mazandaran, the use of the language of cooking and food in human interactions shows the position of this phenomenon in the culture. This literature has thousands of years of bitter and sweet experiences and has transferred the lived experiences of previous generations to the next generation in the shortest form. These proverbs direct how to live, think and behave, regulate relationships among people, classes and strata of society and determine its limits and gaps.
Beliefs about food in Mazandaran have a state of mind in which there is no empirical evidence, rational or necessarily logical reasons, but it is accepted as a certainty. The origins of these beliefs are different. These beliefs are slowly formed over many years in the context of culture, and the depth of culture can be found in them. Themes such as paying attention to the guest, the other, xenophobia, softening the situation, sanctifying food and paying attention to health are highlighted in Mazandarani proverbs.
Conclusion
From an anthropological point of view, food and what is formed around it is a cultural text that can be read to study the depth of the culture of any society. Classification of foods in Mazandaran culture, cultural identity through food, cultural and biological perceptions of appetite, hunger and overeating among Mazandaran’s shows the cultural meanings of food in Mazandaran. The symbolic roles of food in Mazandaran show how food plays a role in creating or breaking social bonds and opens a way to identify how social cohesion is realized in Mazandaran. Food and technology of preparation, production and consumption contain many messages and speak of various lifestyles. Food is one of the phenomena that has been formed over a long period of time in the indigenous system of the people of each ecosystem and has turned into a complex reservoir of indigenous knowledge.
, Bagheri Akram, Rahmab Bagheri,
Volume 12, Issue 60 (12-2024)
Volume 12, Issue 60 (12-2024)
Abstract
The purpose of this research is to study the situation of kinship and ethnic connections of Lak immigrants living in Nezam-Abad neighborhood of Tehran using an interpretive phenomenology method. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 21 participants and analyzed using Colaizzi seven-step method, resulting in nine sub-categories and one core category. The subcategories included a predominance of endogamy, generational difference, sense of social and place belonging, continuity of relationships with the birthplace, continuity of relationships with neighbors, simplification of communication, limited interactions, adherence to local ethnic customs, and maintenance of solidarity. The core category was "effort to maintain neighborhood and hometown connections". First-generation migrants, in particular, expressed a strong desire and emphasis on maintaining interactions and relationships with Laks residing in Nezamabad neighborhood and with relatives in Kuhdasht county. They demonstrated their sense of belonging to their birthplace in various ways. Given the tangible difference in the socialization experiences of first-generation and subsequent generations of migrants, traditional sources of identification may be subject to rethinking. Consequently, their connections and relationships with each other and with their homeland may change, and perhaps the actions and behaviors of subsequent generations will align more homogeny with the dominant culture of the host society. Their sense of belonging and commitment to the components of their ethnic origin culture may take on a more symbolic form.
Research Background
The extensive migration to Tehran has led to an increase in cultural and ethnic diversity and mixing within the city, highlighting the importance of researching the cultural identity of migrant groups. Among the migrants in Tehran, a significant number belong to the Lak ethnic group. In Iran, limited studies have been conducted on kinship networks and hometown associations in recent years. For instance, Ghasemi and Mahmoudian (2013) demonstrated that most migrants, prior to migration, had pre-existing social networks, particularly kinship, family, friendship, and neighborhood networks in their potential destinations. Rostamalizadeh (2015) also identified the main functions of hometown associations as maintaining connections among members, maintaining cultural identity, and assisting fellow townspeople both in Tehran and in their hometowns. Alimandgari and colleagues (2022) demonstrated that migration networks played a significant role in individuals' decisions to migrate. It can be said that few studies have specifically focused on the lived experiences of migrants (internal migration) from a particular ethnic group, particularly in terms of their kinship and ethnic relations.
Goals, questions, and assumptions
This study aims to determine if kinship and ethnic relationships among Lak migrants and with their ancestral homeland have been lost or if they continue to be a significant part of their identity, have evolved with new dimensions. However, the following research questions were raised:
1. What experience do first and second-generation migrants have of kinship and ethnic relations?
2. If these relationships have undergone rethinking and change, how do migrants perceive and interpret these changes?
Studying these cases can help understand the processes of collective identity change, acculturation, identification, and inform cultural and social policymaking.
Main discussion
After analyzing the data, nine sub-categories and one core category titled "Efforts to Maintain Neighborhood and Hometown connections" were identified. As social agents, migrants are compelled to interact with their new environment and gradually rethink some of their ethnic and cultural identity-forming resources. First-generation migrants, in particular, expressed a strong desire and emphasis on maintaining interactions and relationships with Lak residing in Nezamabad neighborhood and with relatives in Kuhdasht County. Current generations of migrants, despite their similarities with the host society, emphasize their differences from other ethnic groups, this emphasis does not necessarily imply a lack of commonalities with the host or other ethnic and cultural groups. Rather, they selectively highlight minor cultural features as 'symbols and signs of difference' to distinguish themselves from other ethnic and cultural groups. Due to the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, future generations may significantly reduce their interactions and kinship and ethnic connections with their fellow homeland residing in Tehran and their paternal birthplace. However, they might still maintain a sense of belonging to the Lak culture and their paternal homeland, expressing it through alternative, real or symbolic means, a phenomenon Gans (1979) called 'symbolic ethnicity'.
Conclusion
Immigrants cannot solely rely on traditional and ethnic components to survive in the multicultural environment of the host society. While rethinking their cultural-ethnic components, they still strive to maintain their kinship and ethnic relations. The depth and extent of Rethinking vary across different levels and components of ethnic identity. Moreover, this process does not necessarily imply a desire to assimilate into the host society's culture at all times. Given the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, traditional sources of identification may be subject to Rethinking. Consequently, their connections and relationships with each other and with their homeland may change, and perhaps the actions and behaviors of subsequent generations will align more homogeny with the dominant culture of the host society. Their sense of belonging and commitment to the components of their ethnic origin culture may take on a more symbolic form.
Research Background
The extensive migration to Tehran has led to an increase in cultural and ethnic diversity and mixing within the city, highlighting the importance of researching the cultural identity of migrant groups. Among the migrants in Tehran, a significant number belong to the Lak ethnic group. In Iran, limited studies have been conducted on kinship networks and hometown associations in recent years. For instance, Ghasemi and Mahmoudian (2013) demonstrated that most migrants, prior to migration, had pre-existing social networks, particularly kinship, family, friendship, and neighborhood networks in their potential destinations. Rostamalizadeh (2015) also identified the main functions of hometown associations as maintaining connections among members, maintaining cultural identity, and assisting fellow townspeople both in Tehran and in their hometowns. Alimandgari and colleagues (2022) demonstrated that migration networks played a significant role in individuals' decisions to migrate. It can be said that few studies have specifically focused on the lived experiences of migrants (internal migration) from a particular ethnic group, particularly in terms of their kinship and ethnic relations.
Goals, questions, and assumptions
This study aims to determine if kinship and ethnic relationships among Lak migrants and with their ancestral homeland have been lost or if they continue to be a significant part of their identity, have evolved with new dimensions. However, the following research questions were raised:
1. What experience do first and second-generation migrants have of kinship and ethnic relations?
2. If these relationships have undergone rethinking and change, how do migrants perceive and interpret these changes?
Studying these cases can help understand the processes of collective identity change, acculturation, identification, and inform cultural and social policymaking.
Main discussion
After analyzing the data, nine sub-categories and one core category titled "Efforts to Maintain Neighborhood and Hometown connections" were identified. As social agents, migrants are compelled to interact with their new environment and gradually rethink some of their ethnic and cultural identity-forming resources. First-generation migrants, in particular, expressed a strong desire and emphasis on maintaining interactions and relationships with Lak residing in Nezamabad neighborhood and with relatives in Kuhdasht County. Current generations of migrants, despite their similarities with the host society, emphasize their differences from other ethnic groups, this emphasis does not necessarily imply a lack of commonalities with the host or other ethnic and cultural groups. Rather, they selectively highlight minor cultural features as 'symbols and signs of difference' to distinguish themselves from other ethnic and cultural groups. Due to the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, future generations may significantly reduce their interactions and kinship and ethnic connections with their fellow homeland residing in Tehran and their paternal birthplace. However, they might still maintain a sense of belonging to the Lak culture and their paternal homeland, expressing it through alternative, real or symbolic means, a phenomenon Gans (1979) called 'symbolic ethnicity'.
Conclusion
Immigrants cannot solely rely on traditional and ethnic components to survive in the multicultural environment of the host society. While rethinking their cultural-ethnic components, they still strive to maintain their kinship and ethnic relations. The depth and extent of Rethinking vary across different levels and components of ethnic identity. Moreover, this process does not necessarily imply a desire to assimilate into the host society's culture at all times. Given the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, traditional sources of identification may be subject to Rethinking. Consequently, their connections and relationships with each other and with their homeland may change, and perhaps the actions and behaviors of subsequent generations will align more homogeny with the dominant culture of the host society. Their sense of belonging and commitment to the components of their ethnic origin culture may take on a more symbolic form.
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