دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 Fertility Myth and Rain-Seeking Rituals in Larestan (Lar, Sahraye Bagh, Hormoud, Dehkoyeh, Beriz, Kurdeh) اسطوره‌ باروری و آیین‌های باران‌خواهی در لارستان (لار، صحرای باغ، هرمود، دهکویه، بریز، کورده) 1 39 22112 FA عظیم جباره ناصرو دانشگاه جهرم 0000-0003-0043-2199 عارف فضلی دانشگاه جهرم Journal Article 1970 01 01 Research background So far, no attempt has been made to introduce the mythological beliefs of the people of Larestan, and only the language, dialect, history, and culture of Larestan have been studied. In relation to the myth of fertility, articles have been written, some of which could be mentioned, for example: Firoozmandi et al. (2012) in the article A local narrative of the myth of the goddess of fertility in Lorestan. The legend of the girl Dal has been studied from the perspective of the goddess of fertility. Jafari (2003) in his article Horse and rain-making in the mythology of ancient Iran, has studied the economic and social importance of the horse in the life of Iranians and its relationship with mythology. Ahmadi Birgani (2018) in the article Shesh Dalu symbol of the goddess of water and the god of rain, has studied the Bakhtiari people as one of the rich sources of ancient Iranian myths and rituals. Hassannejad et al. (2015) in the article Fertility myth and mythical allusions in the keyhole have studied the keyword novel based on the infrastructure of the fertility myth. Papli Yazdi and Jalali (1999) have studied these rituals in the article Rain-seeking rituals during droughts. Rezaei Dasht Arjaneh et al. (2016) in the article Fertility myths in the legends of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Lorestan and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad provinces by examining the themes of the fertility myth in the legends of this region. The provinces have achieved three patterns of birth, death and rebirth of the vegetable god, the pattern of the hero / demon-killer, and the pattern of the hero / god-dragon-killer. Goals, questions and research methods In this article, the authors have tried to examine the reflection of mythological themes and patterns in the beliefs of the people of Larestan region about fertility myths and rain-seeking rituals emphasizing illiterate and ancient people. First, myths, stories, and rain-seeking rituals were recorded in the field, using indigenous and ancient peoples, and then, using library sources, the mythological themes related to beliefs were extracted. This has been done through a descriptive-analytical manner. The present article seeks to answer the following questions: What is the place of the fertility myth in Larestan and what is the function of this myth? Are there any beliefs in the fertility myth of Larestan that are related to the fertility myths of the nations? What is the position of the people's beliefs of the region in this regard in their lives? What do the people of Larestan do to have rain during the drought? What are the rain-seeking rituals in Larestan? Main discussion In the fertility myth of Larestan region, there are five aspects which are: 1. Varzva (bull): The following points can be said about the role of Varzava in the fertility myth of Larestan. a. When sacrificing, Varzava was taken to a spring and the source of water was usually a reservoir or spring, because there is no natural source in Larestan that comes from the heart of the earth and is not the result of rainwater or groundwater. b. People believe in the coming of rain and their lucky relationship with Varzva after the sacrifice, and tie a member of it to Varzva's thigh. The non-sacrifice of Varzva is due to its dignity, honor, and sanctity among the people, and this belief in Larestan is another reason for the connection with the myth of Sirishuk or Hazyush, the last sacrificial cow, which was mentioned earlier. 2. Indra: The following points can be said about Indra's role in the fertility myth of Larestan. a. According to the people of Larestan, Indra is a rainy black cloud that causes fertility. b. In this region, Indra is visible in two Iranian and Indian mythological groups. Indra's anger and the sending of torrential rains in the belief of the people can be considered as his Iranian delegation, which is disrupting order and destroying human beings. Indra's mission in Indian mythology is also evident in the belief of the people that are fighting the demon of drought and the liberation of the waters. c. Another symbol related to water is Ab Anbar, which has a very important role in the lives of the people of Larestan. The water reservoir has a sacred aspect and is one of the cleanest places to store water. 3. Crow: The crow is not considered a fertility god in the beliefs of the people in Larestan and mythology; but it is a symbol of fertility, as if it is rushing to aid the god of fertility. 4. Tishtar: According to the people of Larestan, a goat that is about to become pregnant and has not reached the stage of calving is called Tishtar. In the belief of the people, despite the high value and rank, this God has taken on an earthly and material aspect and has lost his divine aspect. In other words, Tishtar has risen from the rank of deity in Persian mythology to the stage of Freud in the mythology of this region. 5. Anahita: In the fertility myth of Larestan, Anahita is the fifth pillar of fertility. Due to the special climate of Larestan and the reliance of people's livelihood on agriculture, water has been of great vital importance and has placed Anahita in a position beyond Varzva, Indra, Crow and Tishter. Rain-seeking rituals in Larestan In this area, three rituals were performed, which are: A) Keble Doa, B) Lellah Lellah Baru Beda, and C) Khasa Neshu Conclusion Research findings show that Varzova, Indra, Crows, Tishter, and Anahita are the five pillars of fertility myth in Larestan. People have beliefs about Varzava, also known as Ziwash, which are related to fertility, including: When Varzva was sacrificed, it was taken to the source of water; Varzova or a big cow caused fertility, and the weight loss was one of the dry factors. Sally knew Varzva would not be sacrificed, because it was the cause of sustenance, goodness, and blessings, they were saddened by Varzva's death, and they buried Varzva. Indra's selfishness is reflected in Iranian and Indian mythologies, disrupting order and destroying human beings, and fighting the demon of drought and liberating water in the Larestan region, respectively. Indra is believed by the people of Larestan in the form of rain clouds and horses. They ask Indra for rain and they are afraid of her, because in times of rage, he sends down torrential rains, lightning is his weapon. Horse chirping is considered a sign of rain, and Indra in this regard is considered a barrier to drought. The crow is not considered a god of fertility, but people believe that it is a sign of fertility, observing of which causes the good news and the coming of rain. Tishtar has taken on a material aspect among people and is sacrificed every year to strengthen the goddess of water. Sacrificing Tishtar next to the source of water to increase the power of the water goddess indicates the high status of Anahita, and the source of water is at the top of the pyramid of fertility myth in the region. On the other hand, the dry climate, drought, dependence on water, the need for rain to continue living, and earning a living have led to the formation of rain-seeking rituals. Rain-seeking rituals in Larestan region happen through: a) Keble Doa, b) God bless the rain, c) Cluster indication. The ritual of Keble Doa had a general aspect, in which people went to the desert barefoot and prayed for the rain to come. In Allah Bade Barun, they recited a local poem aloud; a group of children and young people went to the door of the house, got wheat or barley and made offerings for the coming of helium rain. In the ritual of clustering, people connected the wheat clusters in a circle with a string and hanged it in the house, believing that the wind blows and the clusters fall to the ground, which is the reminiscent of rain falling from the sky. افسانه‏ها و داستان‏ها که عموم مردم آفریدگان آن هستند، بستر مناسبی برای واکاوی باورهای اساطیری هر قوم است. در منطقۀ لارستان به‌دلیل وضعیت بد آب و هوایی، خشک‏سالی و کم‏آبی، باورها و اندیشه‏هایی دربارۀ باروری و آیین‏های باران‏خواهی برجای مانده که میراث پیشینیان و دارای الگوهای اساطیری است. آمیزش این باورها با زندگی مردم گاه چنان است که بر همۀ ارکان زندگی آن‏ها تأثیر می‏گذارد. هدف از پژوهش حاضر، دست‏یابی به الگوهای اسطورۀ باروری و آیین‏های باران‏خواهی نمودیافته در منطقۀ لارستان است. در این جستار، به روش میدانی و کتابخانه‏ای، داده‏ها گردآوری شده و با رویکرد توصیفی ـ تحلیلی اسطورۀ باروری و آیین‏های باران‏خواهی در منطقۀ لارستان واکاوی شده است. همچنین کوشش شده است اگر شباهت یا تفاوتی میان اسطوره‏های این منطقه و اسطوره‏های ایرانی و غیرایرانی وجود دارد، بازنموده شود. یافته‏های پژوهش نشان می‏دهد اسطورۀ باروری در منطقۀ لارستان از پنج رکن ورزوا، ایندرا، کلاغ، تیشتر و اناهیتا تشکیل شده است که مردم منطقه، باورهای خاصی دربارۀ هریک دارند. ازسویی‌دیگر، سه آیین «قبله دعا»، «الله بده بارون» و «خوشه نشان» بازماندۀ آیین‏های باران‏‏خواهی در منطقۀ لارستان است.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22112_b0eb72628aa95a13338a719a4b009622.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 The Structure of Motifs in the Story of Hani and Shaimorid ساختار بن مایه های داستانی هانی و شَیمُرید 41 77 22113 FA عبدالغفور جهاندیده دانشگاه دریانوردی و علوم دریایی 0000-0002-2178-4401 Journal Article 1970 01 01 Research background No article is published on the analysis of Hani and Shaimorid's story. Of course, some books have reported its poems. In addition to giving an account of the first edition of the story, the book Baluchi Romances in verse written by Jahandideh (2011) has also offered the related poems. Faqirshad (2016) has offered poems of the first story together with a report of the story in the book Legacy quoting the musicians' songs. He has published them in Karachi, Pakistan. Rakhshani (2015) has published some poems of the second edition of the story known as Baluchi culture and epic literature in Karachi. Objectives, questions, and assumptions Baluchi poem stories are a part of Iranian literature being unknown for non-Baluch Persians and Iranians. In addition to discussing Baluch culture and literature, the publication of these poems can give more acceptable results by investigating similar stories in the Persian literature. In this research, we try to answer the following questions: Which Iranian regions does Hani and Shaimorid's story belong to? What is the place of this story in Baluchi literature? What are the main motifs of the story? Main discussion In literary criticism, motif is one of the important items discussed in the motif field studies when studying the works and thoughts of the author and understanding the relationship between form and content as well as many other different performances. In addition to literature, it is also used in other fields (Jafarpour & Alavi Moghadam, 2012, p. 42). According to the motifs of the stories, the stories can be classified into wonderful stories, love stories, dignity stories, epic stories, etc. (Parsa Nasab, 2009, p. 27). The main motif of Hani and Shaimorid's story is love. Both heroes love each other and this motif brings about other incidents and motifs. In the classification of different stories, it is regarded as a love story due to its main motif, i.e. love, but it also has some features of epic, dignity, and mystical stories. According to the classification offered by Mirsadeghi, in terms of motif and content, this story has a love and emotional motif and a justice-seeking content. To reach his beloved, the hero of the story undergoes different incidents, and in fact, the hero fights the evils for the sake of love. An important point of such stories is the single beloved (Mirsadeghi, 2015, pp. 103-114). While loving Hani, Shaimorid fights against Mir Chaker's oppression and calls him an oppressor, and Hani warns Mir Chaker of his dirty job in her forced marriage, and seeks for justice until the end of his life. Conclusion Hani and Shaimorid's story is the most famous Baluchi poetic and love story. Examining this story, it can be concluded that the story has various motifs, the most important of which are: love, heroic, dignity, and mystical motifs. The story begins with the heroic motif "keeping the promise". Meeting the promise, another heroic motif "generosity" forms, and due to the rival's deception, Shaimorid is forced to give up his unseen fiancée to protect his "reputation". After seeing Hani, his love begins and the story continues with various love motifs. The most important love motifs of the story are as follows: Lover's love at first sight, two-way constant love, hidden meetings, lover's insanity, sending letters and messages, love rival, a wicked woman, virginity, and writing poetry; other motifs include: heroic motifs such as keeping the promise, generosity, tolerating difficulties, being nocturnal, disguising, war skills, traveling and leaving the homeland, chastity; some of the dignity motifs are eternal life, youth revival, capture in nature and prediction; the mystical motifs are mendicant and reprehensible appearance, nicknames of the aged, disciple and the sanctity believed by people after disappearing. References Jafarpour, M., & Alavi Moghaddam, M. (2012). The structure of Amir Arsalan's fictional themes. Journal of Persian Literature Textbook, 2, 39-60. Mirsadeghi, J. (2015). Fiction. Sokhan Publications. Parsansab, M. (2009). Motifs: definitions, types, directions, etc. Literary Criticism Quarterly, 2(5), 7-41 قوم بلوچ‏ علاوه‌بر فرهنگ غنی ایرانی خود، میراث‏‏دار فرهنگ و ادبیاتِ بومی ‏کم‏نظیری است، در ادبیات این قوم منظومه‏های حماسی و رزمی و داستان‏های عاشقانه منظومی وجود دارد که تاریخ سرودن آن‏ها به قرن‏ها پیش برمی‏گردد. هانی و شَیمُرید معروف‏ترین داستان عاشقانۀ ادبیات بلوچی است و جایگاه آن‏ در ادبیات بلوچ، همانند جایگاه داستان لیلی و مجنون در ادبیات فارسی است. این دو دلداده پس از سال‏‏ها جدایی، به وصالی عارفانه می‏رسند و به باور مردم بلوچ، آن‏ها همانند خضر و الیاس به زندگی جاوید دست می‏یابند و به لقب «زندَه ‏پیر» مشهور می‏شوند. از این داستان کهن چند روایت و ده‏ها منظومۀ کوتاه و بلند در دست است. خنیاگران یا در اصطلاح بلوچی «پهلوانان»، مهم‏ترین انتقال‏دهندگان منظومه‏های این داستان از نسلی به نسل دیگر بوده‏اند. راویان این داستان از بن‏مایه‏های متنوعی استفاده کرده و بر غنای آن افزوده‏اند. در این مقاله ساختار بن‏مایه‏های داستانی هانی و شَیمُرید در چهار بخش «بن‏مایه‏های عاشقانه، عیاری، کرامت و عرفانی» موردبررسی قرار گرفته‏اند. داستان با بن‏مایۀ عیاری «قول و پیمان» آغاز و با بن‏مایۀ کرامت «غایب شدن» دو قهرمانِ اصلی از نظر و زندگی جاوید آن‏ها، به پایان می‏رسد. این داستان همانند داستان‏های منظوم دیگر بلوچی، به‌ویژه درمیان ایرانیان غیربلوچ ناشناخته است. اشعار و روایات این تحقیق از زبان خنیاگران و راویان به‌صورت میدانی گردآوری شده است و ما ضمن گزارش خلاصۀ دو روایت مشهور به تحلیل نکات و بن‏مایه‏های اصلی و مهم این داستان پرداخته‏ایم

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دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 The Function of Numbers in the Legends of Azerbaijan کارکرد اعداد در افسانه های آذربایجان 79 108 22114 FA فرشته محجوب دانشگاه پیام نور تهران 0000-0001-5412-7646 صفیه توکلی مقدم دانشگاه پیام نور تهران Journal Article 1970 01 01 Research background Anne-Marie Schimmel, (1991) in her book The Secret of Numbers which has been compiled in the form of an encyclopedia, has studied numbers from a historical-comparative perspective and has applied their function in different religions and denominations. Nour Aghaei (2009) in his book Number, Symbol, Myth has studied and analyzed the theme of myths and the function of numbers in advancing their process. Zabihnia Imran and Qayyumizadeh (2017) conducted a study in which they investigated the mythological and symbolic definition of numbers, the ironic compounds and common stereotypes that are due to the impact numbers have on popular culture. Objectives, questions, and assumptions This study seeks to map the function of numbers in the popular culture of Azerbaijan and seeks to investigate to what extent the basis of folk tales is related to hypertextual factors. The research questions are: 1. To what extent are numbers involved in the structure of folk tales? 2. Is the function of numbers related to the popular culture of each region? To answer rthe questions, the following hypotheses are raised: 1. Numbers are one of the main influential factors in the myths of nations. 2. The special culture of Azerbaijan has changed the function of some numbers. The main discussion The 360-page book Legends of Azerbaijan consists of fifteen legends from the region of Azerbaijan, which was written, translated and adapted by Ahmad Azar Afshar and its ninth edition was published in 2018. The main function of "one" in the legends of Azerbaijan is to happen once and express everyday events. The oppositional function of the "two" axis against the monotheism of the "one" is found in abundance. In a part of the story, we see the number three in the dripping water of life in the mouth of Prince Jamshid. The number four is used repeatedly and the narrator often seeks to draw the perfection and completeness of the subject. Among the functions of the number five in Azerbaijani mythology is the absolute use of the number five next to the number six for approximate reference to the few. "Seven" in all cultures indicates moderation and harmony, with the difference that the Iranians considered "six" to be an imperfect number. This is because "seven" was very sacred to them, and "six" had a defect that was completed by reaching seven. Eight years is the time for the prince to learn science and achieve perfection. The function of expectation and prosperity, which is associated with the number "nine", is one of the most important functions of this number in the legends of Azerbaijan. In terms of frequency in Legends of Azerbaijan, number ten is used 107 times. After that, the numbers smaller than ten is the most used. Number ten, for being the first number after the one-digit numbers, indicates the entry into a new multiplicity, and because it reaches one hundred in the next step, it indicates the return of the multiplicity to unity. Number thirty refers to order and justice and has been used in two places in the myth. Number forty is one of the most widely used numbers. Conclusion Apart from the unique function of each number, many of them have common features. This subscription is sometimes multiplied by the same number; for example, 3-6-12 and 40 have been used for grouping, and 4 and 8 have been used to induce perfectionism. Plurality is shown with 5-150-1000 and 7, and time with 4-12-12-40 and 15.18. It seems that there is a two-way relationship between the numbers used and the basis of Azerbaijani myths, which is often epic or love. For example, the multiplicity and frequency that is necessary for exaggeration in the epic is mostly shown by decimal numbers such as 10-50-100 and 1000. This induces the notion that "the hero must go through various stages to reach perfection" of numbers such as 29, 39 or 19, which in the hierarchy of numbers are the last number of the previous row and are incomplete, resulting in an integer after them. ‌ Turn around. Achieving connection, victory and perfection, which are often the theme of love stories, is depicted with 1-4-7-8-9-14 and 15. 7 and 40 also indicate the time of the mourning or marriage ceremonies. The presence of the numbers 1-2, 3 and 3 in the position of the counting unit indicate "A handful of clothes, a meal, a bouquet, a couple of bites on both feet and two eyes". The construction of compounds is manifested as "four-legged, five-door, three-way". Also, the metaphorical compounds such as "one eye blink, two to sit, two legs, three lives" indicate the function of numbers in the structure of language and literature. References Azar Afshar, A. (2018). Legends of Azerbaijan (in Farsi). Dey. Noor Aghaei, A. (2009). Number, symbol, myth (in Farsi). Critique of Thoughts. Shimmel, A. (1991). The secret of numbers. University of Religions and Religions. افسانه‌ها در جهان در زمرۀ مهم‌ترین زیرشاخه‌های ادبیات عامه و سرمنشأ بسیاری از اعتقادات، باورها و هنجارهای هر جامعه‌اند. علاوه‌برآن در آفرینش گونه‌های متعدد ادبی سهیم‌اند. سوای زنجیره‌های روبنایی، نکات بسیار دیگر در ژرف‌ساخت افسانه‌ها دخیل است. اعداد و کارکرد آن در زمره این عوامل درونی است. ارزش کمّی اعداد گاه به‌مرور در پس ویژگی‌های کیفی و معنوی آن رنگ می‌بازد و مایه شکل‌گیری اعتقادات مذهبی، رفتار اجتماعی و باورهای عامیانه می‌شود تا بدان حد که قادر خواهد بود زاینده و توسعه پذیر یا بازدارنده و ضدتوسعه باشد. ایران به‌دلیل تنوع قومیتی و آذربایجان به‌عنوان یکی از اصلی‌ترین اقوام آن دارای غنای فرهنگی ویژه‌ای است. پژوهش حاضر براساس جایگاه اعداد و دانش مبتنی‌بر آن و به شیوه توصیفی ـ تحلیلی، به استخراج اعدادِ به‌کار رفته در پانزده افسانه شاخص آذربایجان خواهد پرداخت؛ سپس کیفیت اشاعه و اثرگذاری آنان در باورهای عامه را در سه شاخه اصلیِ «کوچک‌تر از ده، ده دهی و ترکیبی» بررسی خواهد کرد. حاصل آنکه از مجموع 26 عدد با 462 بار تکرار، دسته نخست با درصد تقریبی 71 درصد، مجموعه دوم با درصد و گروه سوم با 6 درصد به ترتیب پربسامد‌ترند. «یک» در جایگاه واحد شمارش، «چهل» برای مراسم شادی و «دوازده» برای گروه و دسته نیز فراوان‌ترین عدد و کارکرد در هر رده‌اند. اعداد مندرج سوای عملکرد منحصربه‌فرد خود، گاه دارای وجوه مشترک به‌ویژه در مضرب‌هایشان هستند. دیگر آنکه بن‌مایه حماسی یا عشقی افسانه‌ها با عدد منتخب اغلب رابطه‌ای دوسویه دارد. وفور ترکیبات مرکب و کنایی نیز نشانگر رسوخ اعداد در ساختار زبانی این افسانه‌هاست.

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دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 Ceramic Beehive Covers: An Unknown Treasure from the Folk Arts of Tabriz درپوش‌های سرامیکی کندوی عسل: گنجینه‌ای ناشناخته از هنرهای عامه تبریز 109 146 22115 FA محمدرضا غیاثیان دانشگاه کاشان 0000-0002-1765-3556 Journal Article 1970 01 01 Introduction Apiculture has long played an important role in Iran’s food industry, especially in the northern and northwestern regions. A type of beehive that was popular in Azerbaijan and is introduced in this article is cylindrical woven hives. The dimensions of these hives are about 30×85cm, which, on one side, has a fixed ceramic lid with a hole for bees to pass, and at the end, it has a movable wooden lid for harvesting honey. Nowadays, many examples of painted ceramic lids representing folk culture themes survive that were mainly made in Tabriz or its surroundings. The earliest and latest known examples bear dates back to 1115/1703-4 and 1354/1935-6. In this article, with access to about 150 examples of these lids, the form and content of these works have been examined, and the images of 52 beehive covers are published. The most important questions of this research were identifying the provenance of these examples, classifying the themes of the images and inscriptions and analyzing their content. Studying these examples can help us to understand the religion, culture, and art of the Shiite people of the Tabriz region in recent centuries. Research Background So far, no comprehensive research has been done on ceramic beehive covers. In 1993, the Sotheby’s auction offered a collection of 100 painted beehive covers (Sotheby’s, 1993, pp. 98-113, lots 186-195) and by the end of the twentieth century, several examples were offered again. Germanidou and Konstantinidou have published a very brief paper about a painted beehive cover showing a scene of a beekeeper harvesting honey (Germanidou and Konstantinidou, 2013, pp. 249-252). On the other hand, strangely, no significant research has been done on Tabriz pottery in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods, and the present article is considered an attempt to fill this scientific gap. Discussion In general, the remaining examples can be classified into three groups: those with inscriptions, religious paintings and non-religious paintings. Among the examples with inscriptions, in two cases, the prayers of “Oh the One who judges needs” and “Oh the remover of calamities” are mentioned, which should be considered as prayers to seek help from God to meet the needs and repel calamities from bee products. In two cases, the prayers of “Nād ‘Ali” and “Ism-i ‘Azam” are mentioned, which can also be considered as amulets to ward off calamities, and have been popular among the Shiites. Quranic and religious themes should also be considered in connection with increasing the blessing of the product. In some examples, the verse of “Wa in yakād” can be seen that is one of the most widely used verses of the Quran among the Iranian people to ward off evil eyes. Although the reflection of Quranic verses on the beehives can emphasize the importance of honey in Islam as a healing substance, interestingly, the verses and hadiths narrated about honey are not quoted, but prayers and verses from the Quran are written that are associated with blessing of the products and repelling calamities and evil eyes. Religious paintings are generally Shiite and in a general classification include images of panja (khamsa), Doldol and shrines of Shiite Imams. The Doldol motif, which is a combination of the iconography of Buraq (a beast said to have transported the Prophet Muhammad to heaven), and the Lion and Sun also refers to the first Shiites Imam. Among non-religious paintings, images of animals, whether in pairs or single or next to humans, are the most common. A few examples have also depicted rural scenes, wonders, hunting and etcetera. Conclusion Among the cases with inscriptions, prayers were considered as a means of seeking help from God to meet the needs and also as an amulet for repelling calamities from the products. Quranic verses can also be considered in connection with increasing the blessing of the product and repelling evil eye. In addition, the panja symbol was also used to ward off evil eyes and calamities. In addition to Shiite inscriptions, all identified religious paintings are related to Shiite beliefs. Religious paintings include images of Doldol, panja, and shrines of Shiite imams, including the thresholds of Kazemayn and Najaf. The images of the panja and the names of the Five People (the Prophet, his daughter, Imam Ali and his two sons) in some of the images of the shrines show the Shiite beliefs of the people of Azerbaijan. Doldol, the mule of the Prophet that was given to ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, is a symbol of his rightful Imamate for the Shiites. Although the Doldol motif is similar to the iconography of Buraq, the depiction of a lion on its back is reminiscent of the symbol of the Lion and the Sun. Among the non-religious paintings, the most frequent are paintings of animals, which are usually depicted in hunting scenes or on both sides of the Tree of Life. In these paintings, we are faced with different degrees of abstraction, depending on the skills and imaginations of different painters, various images have been created. Finally, the study of these examples contributes to our knowledge of the religion, culture and folk art of the Shiite people of Azerbaijan in recent centuries and is a prelude to further studies on the folk arts the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. References Germanidou, S., & Konstantinidou, A. (2013). An unusual ceramic beehive lid decoration from nineteenth-century Tabriz. Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies, 51, 249-252. Sotheby’s. (1993). A collection of beehive covers, Persia, Circa 1735-1935 A.D.: the property of Dr A. Middlehoek of the Netherlands, Lots 186-196. In Islamic and Indian Art, London, Thursday 29th April 1993, 98-115. Sotheby’s. یکی از گونه‌های ناشناخته از هنرهای تصویری قاجار و پهلوی، نقاشی‌های روی درپوش‌های سفالین کندوی عسل است. این درپوش‌ها به قطر تقریبی 23 سانتی‌متر بر روی کندوهای حصیری به طول حدود 85 سانتی‌متر نصب می‌شدند و یک سوراخ جهت عبور زنبورها در کنارۀ آن‌ها قرار داشت. در این مقاله برای اولین بار ده‌ها نمونه از این درپوش‌ها که از اواخر عصر صفوی تا دورۀ پهلوی اول ساخته شده‌اند، معرفی می‌شود. مهم‌ترین مسئلۀ این تحقیق شناسایی محل تولید این درپوش‌ها، دسته‌بندی مضامین نقوش و کتیبه‌ها و تحلیل محتوای آن‌هاست. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که این آثار را می‌توان به سه گروه کلی کتیبه‌دار، نقاشی‌های مذهبی و نقاشی‌های غیرمذهبی دسته‌بندی کرد. در میان آثار کتیبه‌دار، اذکار و دعاهایی نوشته شده که باید آن‌ها را وسیله‌ای جهت برآورده شدن حاجات و نیز تعویذی برای دفع بلاها از محصولات تلقی کرد. همچنین برخی از دعاها و آیات قرآنی در ارتباط با افزایش برکت محصول و نیز دفع چشم‌زخم هستند. علاوه‌بر کتیبه‌هایی با محتوای «ناد علی» و «اسم اعظم» که بر شیعی بودن آثار دلالت می‌کنند، تمام نقاشی‌های مذهبی شناسایی‌شده نیز مرتبط با باورهای مذهب تشیع است. نقاشی‌های مذهبی شامل تصاویری از دلدل، پنجه و زیارتگاه‌های امامان شیعه ازجمله آستانه‌های کاظمین و نجف است. در میان نقاشی‌های غیرمذهبی، بیشترین فراوانی به تصاویر حیوانات اختصاص دارد که آن‌ها را در نقش‌مایه‌های درخت زندگی یا صحنه‌های شکار نشان می‌دهد.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22115_a9836ba478550a1e6ffe8a013a8a0a4b.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 The Analysis of the Social Structure of Baluch Rituals in Sarhadi Baluchiâs Proverbs Based on the Borawian People-Oriented Approach تحلیل ساختار اجتماعیِ آیین‌های بلوچ در مثل‌های بلوچی سَرحَدی برپایۀ رویکرد مردم‌مدارانۀ بوراوی 147 185 22116 FA حسین شیرخانی دانشگاه ولایت ایرانشهر اسحاق میربلوچ زائی دانشگاه ولایت ایرانشهر 0000-0003-1375-6870 بلال ریگی دانشگاه ولایت ایرانشهر Journal Article 1970 01 01 Review of the Literature There are some studies on the proverbs and anecdotes of the Baluchi language, some of which are written by Dor Mohammad Kord (2010) Sepahi and Mir Baluchzai (2013) Keshavarz (2015), and Rakhshani (2004). Regarding the analysis of proverbs, Jahandideh (2018) has dealt with the semiotic analysis of those famous Baluchi proverbs in which animals played a symbolic role. Porki (2021) has studied the pathology of cultural issues of the Baluch people based on parables in three parts: individual, family, and society. Outside Iran, we can refer to the book Bethel, Gashten, Pejdanak O Ghent, written by Rashid Khan (2010). This book analyzes the etymology and history of some of the famous Baluchi proverbs in all areas of Baluchi dialect. Loghman (2010) comparatively examines Baluchi and English proverbs and has also written a brief introduction to the anthropological and linguistic function of the Baluchi proverbs in a book entitled Bettel, The Rabidge of Benzene Fever. Research method In the present study, the authors have tried to analyze the social structure and ritual codes of some of the Sarhadi Baluchi's proverbs with the people-oriented approach of Michael Borawy; this is because "by knowing and being familiar with proverbs, and recording them, one can have access to a pure ethnic culture, which has its own social structures and ancient values" (Rakhshani, 2004, pp. 2-4). The focus of the present study is the "Sarhad" region of Baluchistan in Iran and the "Sarhadi dialect" of the Baluchi language. The present article follows field study through library research. Theoretical foundations Michael Borawy (born 1947) is an English sociologist best known for his people-oriented approach to sociology. (Pellet, 2012, pp. 7-25). In the people-oriented reading of sociology, people's lives and culture are very important. "People-oriented sociology is one of the major branches of sociology" (Borawy, 2004, p. 9). Avoidance of theorizing and having a qualitative method are the main features of this approach. It is in people-oriented sociological analysis that "dialogue emerges" (Borawy, p. 4). This sociological approach, as Michael Borawy himself puts it, "is closely related to those people who are observable, intertwined, active, and local, and who are often not of the same color as the general public." In fact, many people-oriented sociologists fall into the category of organic people-oriented sociologists ... There is a dialogue between the organic sociologist and the people he studies, and a process of mutual education takes place between them” (Borawy, 2015, p. 55). The important point in this scientific approach is that people-oriented sociology does not seek to theorize society. Rather, it distances itself from the macro-theories in order to reach out to the general public and better understanding of folklore and behavioral traditions. As Borawy argues "The goal of people-oriented sociology is to place sociology in a dialogue with popular groups” (Borawy, 2004, p. 7). He also states that now is the time to "systematically transfer our knowledge to those from whom we borrowed it." It is time to relate the personal problems of individuals to public issues and thus re-weave the moral foundation for sociology. The promise and of course, the challenge of people-oriented sociology is that it is not a denial of professional sociology, but a complement to it” (Borawi, 2015, p. 48). According to the research findings, by demographic sociological analysis, it is possible to study people and cultural phenomena, including ethnic values and oral traditions, and to welcome cultural transformations and the obsolescence of some traditions. Also, many significant actions of the social structure of the Baluch people in the form of folk traditions and value rituals such as asylum, court, assistance, swearing, knife and shroud, hospitality, bread and salt, etc. are prominent and can be categorized in Baluchi proverbs. In the analysis of the social structures and structures of the studied parables, the importance of social group, social laws and social biases can be understood, and from the point of view of sociological analysis, the social concepts of mobility, crisis, norm, deviation and control can be mentioned in Baluchi parables. References Borawy, M. (2015). On people-oriented sociology (translated into Farsi by Behrang Sedighi). Ney. Burawoy, M. (2004). American sociological association, presidential address: for public sociology. American Sociological Review, 70(1), 4-28. Platt, J. (2012). International sociological association. University of Sussex. مقالۀ پیش‌رو به تحلیل و خوانش جامعه‎شناختیِ پاره‌ای از مثل‌هایِ بلوچیِ سرحدی می‌پردازد. این تحقیق، نمود ساختارهای اجتماعی و ارزش‍های آیینی را در مثل‌های بلوچی گویش سرحدی، براساس رویکرد مردم‌مدارِ مایکل بوراوی واکاوی کرده است. باتوجه به اینکه شناخت حرکات و پویش‌هایِ اجتماعی و بررسی قوانین حاکم بر این حرکات از وظایف اصلی جامعه‌شناسی است و زندگی اجتماعی به‌واسطۀ جنبۀ شفاهی‌اش با ادب عامه پیوند می‌یابد، می‌توان به ضرورت تحلیل جامعه‌شناختیِ مثل‌های بلوچی به‌عنوان یکی از برجسته‌ترین ژانرهای ادب عامه پی برد که در بازنمایی هویت مردمی و به‌تصویر کشیدن پدیده‎هایِ زندگی، نقش قابل‌توجهی دارند. جامعه‌شناسیِ مردم‌مدار در پیوند با مطالعات فرهنگی به تجربه و شیوۀ زندگیِ مردم، میراث، ساختار و سرمایه‌هایِ فرهنگیِ هر جامعه با بهره‌گیری از داده‌های فولکلوریک که بیانگر باورها و عملکرد عامه هستند، می‌پردازد. روش تحقیق این پژوهش، کیفی بوده و گردآوری اطلاعات برپایۀ تحلیل محتوا صورت گرفته است که از رایج‌ترین شیوه‌های شناسایی هویتِ آثار ادبی است و مثل‌ها به‌صورت تحقیق میدانی و روش مطالعه کتابخانه‌ای گردآوری شده‌اند. یافته‌هایِ تحقیق نشان می‌دهد بسیاری از کنش‌های معنادار ساختار اجتماعیِ قوم بلوچ در قالبِ سنت‌های فولکوریک و آیین‌هایِ ارزشی مانند پناهنده‌پذیری، دیوان، هم‌یاری، انتقام‌جویی، سوگندِ نال، شمشیر و کفن، نان نمک و... در مثل‌هایِ بلوچی نمود برجسته دارند.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22116_3ce4204132dd23eb206eb3f561e6d438.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 The Role and Function of Thematics in Tales: The Case of Sankhast Tales نقش و کارکرد عنصر «مایگان» در افسانه ‌ها (مطالعۀ موردی افسانه های عامیانۀ سَنخواست) 187 216 22117 FA امید وحدانی فر دانشگاه بجنورد 0000-0002-6981-6548 Journal Article 1970 01 01 Choosing the element in a work is directly related to the reader. This study aimed to investigate the themes of the tales of Sankhast from the suburban areas of northern Khorasan in order to figure out how tale tellers used the related theme to achieve their objectives. The findings showed that the tale tellers sometimes expressed the themes in their work and in other times represented them through moral lesson to not only have more impact on the reader but also improve the level of the folk tales from the normal clichés. In general, the method of selecting themes in the tales were discussed, but there were occasions in which the themes were prior to the tale. The themes in the Tati tales of Sankhast showed that most of them were selected based on the hearings, lifestyles, mentalities, and people's opinions. Also, despite the fact that these tales tried to create heroes, attraction, curiosity, and entertainment for the general public, but in fact their fundamental mentality and social aspects were advertising humanity, equality, brotherhood, and social justice. انتخاب مایگان (تِم) در هر اثر با پذیرش خوانندۀ آن اثر رابطۀ تنگاتنگی دارد. در این مقاله کوشش می‌شود با روش تحلیل محتوا مایگان به‌کاررفته در افسانه‌های عامیانۀ جلگۀ سَنخواست، از توابع استان خراسان شمالی، موردبررسی قرار گیرد تا مشخص شود افسانه‌گویان چگونه از این عنصر برای تحقق اهداف موردنظرشان بهره گرفته‌اند. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که افسانه‌پردازان مایگان این افسانه‌ها را گاه در تفسیرهایشان به‌طور صریح بیان می‌کنند و گاهی نیز به‌جای بیان واضح احکامِ گوناگون، با بیان نمایش‌وارِ افسانه بیشتر به ارائۀ نمونه‌های اخلاقی می‌پردازند که این نوع نگرش علاوه‌بر اثرگذاری بیشتر بر خواننده، سطح افسانه را از کلیشۀ ساده‌انگار افسانۀ عامیانه تا اندازه‌ای فراتر می‌برد. به‌طور کلّی شیوۀ گزینش مایگان در افسانه‌های موردبحث بیشتر در پایان افسانه‌ها صورت گرفته، اما گاهی نیز در برخی از این افسانه‌ها مایگان مقدم بر افسانه است. مایگان موجود در افسانه‌های تاتی سَنخواست نشان می‌دهد که بخش عمده‌ای از آن‌ها برگرفته از شنیده‌ها، زندگی، تفکرات و اندیشه‌های مردم عادّی است. همچنین، هرچند که هدف این افسانه‌ها به‌ظاهر خلق قهرمان، ایجاد کشش، بیدار کردن حس کنجکاوی و سرگرم کردن خواننده یا شنونده و لذت بخشیدن و مشغول کردن آن‌ها بوده، اما درحقیقت درون‌مایه و زیربنای فکری و اجتماعی آن‌ها ترویج و اشاعۀ اصول انسانی، برابری، برادری و عدالت اجتماعی است.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22117_1747774b79e1da589f5eafc576b4c2e1.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 Analysis of Beliefs - Myths of Kikhosrow in the Beliefs of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad People تحلیل سیمای اعتقادی ـ اسطوره‌ای کیخسرو در باورهای مردم کهگیلویه‌وبویراحمد 217 250 22118 FA عبدالواحد صابری پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی علیرضا شعبانلو پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی ومطالعات فرهنگی یوسف محمد نژاد عالی زمینی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی ومطالعات فرهنگی 0000-0003-1574-5817 کشواد سیاهپور دانشگاه یاسوج Journal Article 1970 01 01 The aims, questions, hypotheses and research methods In this research, we try to emphasize the differences between the oral narration of the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad and the original story of Kaykhosrow in Shahnameh. While rereading the epic foundations and myths of this story, we investigated the holy image-myths of Kaykhosrow in the popular literature of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. In this article, we seek to answer the following questions: How is Kaykhosrow's image in popular culture and literature of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad? Which epic and mythical themes from the story of Kaykhosrow are reflected in the narrative of the people in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad? The hypothesis of this research is that according to the heroic spirit of the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad and their familiarity with rough and war-torn mountains, the narrative of Kaykhosrow's story has changed among residents of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad in order to strengthen the epic themes. The research method, in terms of basic aim and data collection, followed library-field studies, and the data analysis was done through qualitative content analysis and structured interviews. The main discussion Although Kaykhosrow is a multifaceted character and all the epic and heroic features, along with his spiritual functions, are evident in his character, the last parts of his life and his glorious journey are the reason for his pious personality, and such a journey is not very prone to the emergence of epic themes. However, the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, in their oral narrations of this story, have introduced the themes of war and militancy in different dimensions of the story, in such a way that we think the story has remained the same. The changes that the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad have made in the original story of Kaykhosrow, besides linking this national- heroism story and its characters with the geography of the region, show that they are very interested in the national epics and heroic stories, revealing the region's special talent for attracting epic themes. On the other hand, many ancient foundations related to the Zoroastrian religion have remained in this region and have represented themselves in the popular narrative of the story of Kaykhosrow; therefore, the image of Kaykhosrow in the culture of the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad has two epic and mythical aspects that have found a sacred position. Conclusion So far as epic is concerned, the changes in Kaykhosrow's story have taken place with the emphasis on the elements of heroism, heroic ritual, war and military campaign, and epic actions and beliefs. Evidence indicates that reading Shahnameh, the familiarity of the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad with Shahnameh, and the special epic feelings that these stories have created among the people of this region, have a direct relationship with their brave and stubborn nature. On the other hand, in the beliefs of the people of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad about Kaykhosrow, the delivery of the Gitinems Cup to the king in the spring water, Hatef's inspiration to Kaykhosrow (Kaykhosrow's eternal life), his horse and dog in a cave where the source of life and plants were in a spell, the sanctity of the plants, among others, there are themes that are rooted in the ancient customs and myths. This shows that the culture of ancient Iran is still alive in this area and continues to live in other forms. گنجینۀ فرهنگ مردم کهگیلویه‌و‌بویراحمد سرشار از بن‌مایه‌هایی است که در فرهنگ کهن مردم ایران ریشه دارد. از دیرباز به‌دلیل ارتباط عمیق مردم این منطقه با شاهنامه، اندیشه‌ها، آیین‌ها و باورهای آنان ضمن تأثیرپذیری از حماسۀ ملی در روایت‌های آنان از طریق داستان‌های پهلوانی راه ‌یافته است. کیخسرو یکی از شخصیت‌های مهم اوستا و شاهنامه است که در فرهنگ عامۀ کهگیلویه‌و‌بویراحمد حضوری پررنگ داشته و حتی ارزش قدسی پیدا کرده است. در این مقاله، ضمن بازخوانی روایت مردم کهگیلویه‌و‌بویراحمد از حوادث پایان زندگی کیخسرو و تحلیل بن‌مایه‌هایی حماسی و اسطوره‌ای مربوط به آن، به بازنمایی سیمای قدسی کیخسرو در باورهای این مردم می‌پردازیم. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد تغییراتی که داستان کیخسرو در روایت مردم کهگیلویه‌و‌بویراحمد پیدا کرده، ضمن تأثیرپذیری از روحیۀ حماسی و پهلوانی آنان، حاوی بن‌مایه‌هایی است که با اسطوره‌های باستانی ارتباط دارد. ازجملۀ این بن‌مایه‌ها می‌توان به ارتباط جام کیخسرو با فرمانروایی او، ارتباط جام با چشمۀ آب، غیب‌آموزی از طریق فرشتۀ آب، ارتباط چشمه با جاودانگی، و تقدس گیاه اشاره کرد.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22118_c41c0323dd77add26d14610dac7b6f33.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 Therapeutic Properties of Stones in Ancient Mineralogical Texts خواص درمانی احجار در متون کانی‌شناختی کهن 251 283 22119 FA رحمان ذبیحی دانشگاه ایلام مریم کسائی دانشگاه ایلام Journal Article 1970 01 01 Literature Review So far, two books have been written on mineralogy. First, Mineralogy in Ancient Iran by Zavesh who has made a few mentions of some therapeutic properties of the stones. Second, The Encyclopedia of the Precious and Semi-Precious Stones and Minerals in the Persian Literature, by Mohammadi and Farmani Anosheh who also referred to some medical power of the stones, here and there (Mohammadi & Farmani Anosheh, 2013, pp. 14, 17, 29, 44). Besides these books on mineralogy, Zolfaghari has also touched on some curing qualities in his book Iranian’s Folk Literature (Zolfaghari, 2016, pp. 109, 122, 123, 307). Jahanshahi Afshar, in an article titled ‘Therapeutic Properties of Precious Stones in Ancient Medical and Literal Texts’, has also recounted the healing power of ten stones (see: Jahanshahi Afshar, 2016, pp. 306-315). Aims, questions, and hypotheses The main purpose of this study is to investigate the therapeutic features of minerals in ancient texts and to offer a factual and accessible discussion on this topic. The major research question in this essay is: what are the most important stones' curative properties in ancient texts and how these properties can be categorized and analyzed? The basic hypothesis, accordingly, is that there are plenty of discussions about and references to therapeutic properties of minerals in mineralogical and medical texts as well as encyclopedias which through extraction, categorization and analysis give us a clear insight of ancient people’s perception of mineral medications. Main discussion Curative qualities of minerals lend themselves to study and analysis from three main perspectives: first, those features which were put in use for psychotherapy, ophthalmology, oral, and nasopharyngeal disease, internal conditions, kidney and bladder ailments, pregnancy and birth giving, arthritis and swellings, skin and hair disorder, wounds and injuries, poisons and antidotes; Second, there are disease preventions, and third, medical instruments. In psychotherapy, some disorders such as melancholy, lunacy, epilepsy, Parkinson’s disease and insomnia were treated by means of stony corals, platinum, gold and silver. Some minerals were also considered to be effective in reliving sadness and raising one’s spirit (Tousi, 2008, p. 149). They also believed that some stones improved quality of sleep (Shahmardan ibn Abi Alkheir, 1983, p. 267). Minerals were used for curing some eye ailments as well (Ansari Shirazi, 1992, p. 174), for example, Malachite was used to treat Slack and Pterygium (Nasiruddin Tousi, 1967, p. 119). They were utilized to treat oral and nasopharyngeal disease, too. Some minerals were put in use to treat internal diseases such as stomach or liver disorder like cirrhosis. Treatment of kidney and bladder was another therapeutic application of minerals. Some traditions related to child birth and pregnancy were rooted in beliefs in supernatural or magical properties of stones. Another important therapeutic application of minerals was treatment of joint disease such as Gout. They were also thought of as effective in dermatology and hair disorders. Injuries also were sometimes treated by minerals. Poisoning and poison related disease were partly cured using minerals. Prevention of some diseases like cholera and plague also was belied to possible by means of minerals and finally, another group of mineral stones were used in making tools like needle, mirror or knife which were also believed to be helpful in curing some ailments. Conclusion Reliance on curative properties of minerals which has been documented in resources such as mineralogical and medical texts, encyclopedias and fantasy books, gave them the second important position for curing diseases after herbal and organic treatments. The therapeutic minerals were manufactured and applied in a variety of methods the most important of which were grinding, burning, drinking, eating, coating, fastening, hanging, taking with oneself and watching at them. These treatments covered an extended range of experimental attributes to traditional and popular beliefs. References Ansari Shirazi, A. (1992). Ekhtiarat e Badi’i (edited by M. T. Mir). Pakhsh e Razi, Pharmaceutical Co. Jahanshahi Afshar, A. (2016). Therapeutic properties of precious stones in ancient medical and literal texts. Journal of Islamic and Iranian Traditional Medicine, 7(3) 306-319. Mohammadi, M., & Farmani Anousheh, N. (2017). The encyclopedia of The precious and semi-precious stones and minerals in the Persian literature. Zavar. Nasirudin Tousi, M. (1969). Ilkhani’s Tansoukh-Nameh (edited by M. T. Modares Razavi). Iran’s Culture Institute. Shahmardan ibn Abalkhair. (1983). Alaei’s Nozhatnameh (edited by F. Jahanpour). Cultural Studies and Researchers Institute. Tousi, M. (2008). Wonder creatures and strange animals. Cultural and Scientific. Zolfaghari, H., & Shiri, A. (2016). Iranian’s folk literature. Cheshmeh Publication. کاربردهای طبی معدنیات که از منظر قدما پس از درمان‌های گیاهی و حیوانی از مهم‌ترین و رایج‌ترین انواع درمان‌ها بوده است، در سه دسته از متون کهن قابل‌بررسی و تحلیل است: متون کانی‌شناختی، بخش‌هایی از عجائب‌نامه‌ها و دائرۀ‌المعارف‌ها و متون طبی. تأمل در این متون نشان می‌دهد شیوه‌های تهیه و کاربرد درمان‌های معدنی گوناگون بوده و سودن، سوختن، نوشیدن، خوردن، اندودن، بستن، آویختن، همراه داشتن و نگریستن به کانی‌ها از مهم‌ترین روش‌های درمان‌ با معدنیات به‌شمار آمده است. این پژوهش که به روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و برمبنای متون کهن انجام گرفته، درپی پاسخ به این پرسش است که خواص درمانی معدنیات در متون کهن چیست و مهم‌ترین زمینه‌های کاربرد درمانی کانی‌ها کدام است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که اعصاب و روان، بیماری‌های چشم، امراض دهان و حلق و بینی، بیماری‌های داخلی، کلیه و مثانه، زایمان و بارداری، مفاصل و ورم، پوست و مو، زخم و جراحت، زهر و پادزهر، پیشگیری از بیماری‌ها و ابزارهای درمانی، مهم‌ترین زمینه‌های کاربرد طبی کانی‌ها در متون کهن است. خواص درمانی سنگ‌ها که طیف گسترده و متنوعی را دربر می‌گیرد، ترکیبی است از دانش تجربی کهن و فرهنگ عامه و آیین‌ها و باورهای معدنی که از جلوۀ مرموز سنگ‌ها در نظر انسان قدیم و باور او به خواص درمانی معدنیات ناشی شده است.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22119_6ed94d74189ebcdb131007c4babee442.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 Some Reflections of the Iranian Manichaean fictional elements on the Folkloric Iranian Literature A Comparative Study of the Parables نمونه‌هایی از عناصر داستانی مانوی در ادبیات عامه ایران مطالعه‌ای تطبیقی بر اساس تمثیل‌ها 285 314 22120 FA سیما فولادپور بنیاد ایران‌شناسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی زهره زرشناس پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی 0000-0003-0653-6335 Journal Article 1970 01 01 Introduction Research Background Reconstruction and translation of Manichaean manuscripts is a significant part of the scholars’ efforts in Manichaean studies. In most of these texts, which include different languages and subjects, signs of parables and stories can be found. Some are specifically dedicated to parables and stories, which are also the primary sources of the present study. The first one is the work of Sundermann, Mittlepersische und parthische Kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichäer. The Persian translation of its second part has been done by Abedi Jourabchi. The Sogdian Tale, published by Henning at BSOAS11, is the second primary source of these stories, most of which Zarshenas has translated into Persian. These scholars have usually also looked at the literature of Manichaean-related cultures and reported similar examples. We aimed to introduce and review more similar examples in this study. Research method This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical and library method. The first step was to study Manichaean works in Middle Iranian languages and select their fictional pieces. Then, to find similar examples in folkloric literature, we examined the works related to the collection and classification of folklore stories. We were looking for stories similar to Manichaean parables in terms of narrative structure, actions, and main characters. After finding these examples and surveying their different narratives in Iranian folklore literature, we analyzed the similarities and differences between these stories and Manichaean examples. Manichaean stories and similar Iranian examples Similar examples were found in general narratives, or sub-narratives for five of the thirty examined Manichaean stories and parables. The first story is "The Elusive Beloved and the Wise Old Woman", which in the general narration corresponds to the type 450 called "Little brother and little sister" (Marzolph, 1984, pp. 104-105) with the difference that the beloved is female. The masculinity of the beloved is reflected in type 432 of Marzolph's classification (Ibid., p. 102). It also represents the old woman's deception method in the Iranian type 1545A. (Endjavi Shirazi 1975, pp. 115-117; Faqiri 2003, pp. 81-85; Elwell- Sutton 1994, Marzolph et al., p. 303) The second story is "The Deaf and Dumb Boy". Its second sub-narrative is about a stepmother plotting to kill the boy with poisoned food, well reflected in type 314 of Marzolph's classification. The complicated story of "The Cæsar and the Thieves" is the third story in which the main narrative is about the Cæsar being deceived by thieves by impersonating himself as the angel of death. This narrative has been represented in one of the sub-narratives of type 950 (Marzolph, 1984, pp.185). In the ATU Index and the Marzolph classification, there is a story type similar to "The Monkey and the Fox" parable with various narratives, identified by the number 35B. The tale of Namaki with the number 311A in Marzolph classification and other versions in type 311B of the ATU index is similar to the story of "The Wolf in the Jug". The monk, the wolf, and the jug are other essential elements of this parable, all of which can be found together in the Iranian type 20D. Conclusion Most Iranian examples are main narratives that play a significant role in folklore literature. Those examples which are not in this category are frequent types found in numerous stories and legends and have been narrated in different ways. Also, some of the world types have been added to the latest version of the ATU Index, and their various narrations are mostly related to the cultural field of the Middle East. In addition, many of these world types do not have the same parts of the Manichaean parable that we have been looking for. This is while the importance of the Iranian examples is precisely due to the existence of these low-frequency themes, which are sometimes represented only in the Iranian narratives. It is noteworthy that stories with European and Western narratives usually have an Indian narration as well. In these stories, we can recognize the similarity of the themes, and interestingly, these themes were also common in the Manichaean parables in question. These concepts and themes are the prohibitions of greed, captivity, and the use of the action of inductive deception. Manichaean parables seem to be reflected at the intersection of the two general concepts of greed and deception in folklore stories. The common point between the parables and similar examples is that the devil's deception, which either stems from greed or leads to it, will lead to captivity. References Elwell- Sutton, L. P. (1994). Die erzahlungen der Masdi Galin Hanom (edited by U. Marzolph, and translated into Farsi by Ā. Amirhosseiny nithāmer, A. Vakīlīyan). Nashr e Markaz. Endjavi Shirazi, S. A. (1975). Iranian stories (vol. 3) (in Farsi). AmirKabir Faqiri, A. (2003). Stories of the Fars people (in Farsi). Navid e Shiraz. Marzolph, U. (1984). Typologie des persischen Volksmärchens. Unknown. Jahāndāri, T. K. (1992). 2nd Ed. Soroush. Uther، H. (2004). The types of international folktales. Helsinki. در این مقاله گستره و ویژگی‌های رابطه بین ادبیات عامۀ ایرانی و ادبیات مانوی براساس تجزیه و تحلیل روایات مشابه مطالعه و بررسی شده است. به این منظور و با استفاده از روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی در مرحلۀ نخست، سی تمثیل و داستان تمثیلی مانوی از میان قطعات مانوی ایرانی میانه استخراج کرده و سپس در ادبیات عامه به جست‌وجوی نمونه‌هایی پرداخته‌ایم که از نظر کنش‌ها و شخصیت‌های اصلی به آن‌ها شبیه باشند. از میان این تمثیلات، تنها پنج مورد نمونه‌های مشابه در داستان‌های عامه داشتند که تعداد و مشخصه‌های این شباهت‌ها در عناصر ادبی، روایت‌ها و خرده‌روایت‌ها نشان می‌دهد که ادبیات مانوی فرصت حضور بیشتری در ادبیات عامه به‌نسبت ادبیات رسمی داشته است. این حضور شاخص می‌تواند ابزاری کارآمد برای پیگیری مسیری که این روایت‌ها و تمثیلات در میان فرهنگ‌های مختلف طی کرده‌اند، در اختیار ما بگذارد.

https://cfl.modares.ac.ir/article_22120_fd03f6198800b312694493f5bbd9407a.pdf

دانشگاه تربیت مدرس فرهنگ و ادبیات عامه 2345-4466 9 42 2021 12 22 An Analysis of Juhiâs Anecdotes Based on Tripartite Narrative Model of Humorology تحلیل منتخب حکایات جوحی بر اساس الگوی سه بخشی روایتگری طنزآمیزی 315 342 22121 FA ابوالفضل حری دانشگاه اراک 0000-0003-0260-6551 Journal Article 1970 01 01 Introduction Research background Numerous articles, dissertations, and books have reviewed the history and background of humour in Iran, and several books have been translated. Horri (2008; 2011; 2018) has studied some issues related to the field of humour. However, the level of generating humor in humorous texts, including fictional and non-fictional jokes, has been studied less. Goals, questions, and assumption First, laughter and its manifestations have usually been presented in three forms: situation-oriented, word-oriented, or a combination of both. Second, the narrative can be divided into two categories, serious and non-serious. Non-serious narratives are divided into humorous, nonsensical, and absurd narratives. However, generating humor in some humorous texts is not known. Also, the boundary between fictional and non-fictional texts is not clear. In other words, it is not possible to make a distinction between the non-fictional and fictional jokes. In fact, what are the criteria for recognizing a non-fictional joke from a fictional joke? How can the amount of generating humor and jokes of fictional jokes be determined from non-fictional? Is the amount of narrative the same in different types of humorous fictional and non-fictional texts? Is the structure of non-fictional jokes the same as or different from the structure of fictional texts? Discussion In Persian, “Fokahiyat” is synonymous with the English word "humour" and it is a narrow saying that expands the mind, corresponding to the types of jokes, funny short stories, jokes, and verbal jokes. A joke has also been defined as a kind of linguistic expression that sometimes finds a narrative form and sometimes retains its expressive form and appears non-fictional. The former is referred to as a fictional or narrative joke and the latter as a non-fictional joke. Of course, the boundary between the two types of jokes is not very clear, raising problems. Attardo (1994) uses the terms "artificial joke" and "conversational joke" to distinguish between these two types of jokes. A non-fictional joke is a joke that does not necessarily tell a story; rather, it expresses a state and typically consists of four stages: set-up; paradox; denouement, and release. Morin (1966) believes in the same structure or three narrative elements: normalization, interlocking, and dis-junction. Oring (1989) uses the word "story" instead of "narrative." In humourous texts, it seems that we are dealing with a more extended narrative, not with the punch-line, but with some jab-lines, which do not necessarily end at the end of the text and are scattered throughout the text. Hence, what distinguishes a short joke from a humorous narrative or a funny anecdote is the change from punch-line to jab-line. Examining different humourous samples, it can be concluded that it is the punch-line than the jab-line that separates a narrative joke from a humorous narrative. Juhi’s anecdotes that have been rewritten in different books in different ways, on the one hand, provide a clear picture of the difference between a narrative joke and a humorous anecdote, and on the other hand, are examples of the transition from the artificial jokes to the conversational jokes or vice versa. Having analyzed more than 50 Juhi’s anecdotes, it was revealed that different versions and sources of similar anecdotes do not provide a solid reason for the transition from an artificial joke to a conversational joke, but as the narratives are delayed and sometimes replaced by the narrators, the level of generating humor in these anecdotes change from short anecdotes to humorous narratives or versified versions. Results and conclusion The results of the present research can be concluded as: An artificial joke is recognizable from a conversational joke. The narrative joke usually has a narrator, but the non-fictional joke has no narrator. A narrative joke is usually pre-fabricated, but an oral narrative is made here and now. The artificial joke is not context-oriented, but the oral narration is mainly context-oriented. The punch-line is one of the most important factors distinguishing a joke from a humourous narrative. A more extended humourous narrative does not have one punch-line but several punch-lines or jab-lines. Non-fictional and fictional jokes usually follow the three-part pattern of set-up, paradox, and release. Sometimes, a short narrative joke becomes an extended one due to the scattering of the punch-line. Juhi’s anecdotes can be examined from various aspects, including distinction between fictional and non-fictional jokes. References Attardo, S. (1994). Linguistic theories of humor. Mouton de Gruyter. Horri A. (2011). Linguistic mechanisms of humor: Pun and/or ambiguity. Language Related Research (Comparative language and literature research), 2(6), 19-40. Horri A. (2018). An application of script-based semantic theory to Zakani’s Risala-ye Delgosha's regional anecdotes. Language Related Research (Comparative language and Literature Research), 9(2), 63-78. Horri, A. (2009). About humour: New approaches to humour and humorology (in Farsi). Hozeh-ye Honari Pub. Oring, E. (1989). Between jokes and tales: On the nature of punch lines. Humor, 2-4, 349-364. این مقاله روایت‌گری طنزآمیز لطیفه‌های داستانی و غیرداستانی یا مصنوع و محاوره‌ای را در پرتو گذار از لطیفۀ غیرداستانی به لطیفۀ داستانی و با اشاره به برخی نمونه‌ها، بررسی می‌کند. ابتدا، کلیاتی درباره روایت طنزآمیز بیان می‌شود. سپس، روایت طنزآمیز غیرداستانی در تقابل با روایت طنزآمیز داستانی بحث و گفته می‌شود روایت غیرداستانی، بافت‌وابسته، خلق‌الساعه و محاوره‌ای است که در تبادل کلامی شکل می‌گیرد و به داستان و راوی نیاز ندارد. درعوض، روایت طنزآمیز به بافت وابستگی ندارد؛ از‌پیش‌ساخته و مصنوع است و به داستان و راوی نیاز دارد. لطیفۀ غیرداستانی نوعاً شامل سه مرحله است: سرآغاز، تناقض، گره‌گشایی. به‌نظر می‌رسد در متون طنزآمیز روایی طولانی‌تر نه لُب‌مطلب که چندین جب‌لاین رخ می‌دهد که لزوماً در پایان متن نمی‌آید و در سرتاسر متن پراکنده است. در این مقاله، گذار از لطیفه داستانی کوتاه به لطیفۀ داستانی بلند در پرتو منتخبی از حکایات جوحی در مصادر مختلف بررسی می‌شود. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهند تغییر لُب‌مطلب، به‌ویژه در حکایات منتخب جوحی، نقش چندانی در تبدیل لطیفۀ غیرداستانی به داستانی ندارد، اما لطیفه داستانی کوتاه به‌سبب پراکندگی لُب‌مطلب به لطیفۀ داستانی حجیم‌تر بدل می‌شود.

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